The Minimum Wage Debate Essay Example for Free

The Minimum Wage Debate Essay Minimum wage laws set legal minimums for the hourly wage paid to certain groups of workers (Gorman). Minimum wage laws were invented in Australia and New Zealand with the purpose of guaranteeing a minimum standard of living for unskilled workers. In the United States, workers are generally entitled to be paid no less than the statutory minimum wage. In the United States, amendments to the Fair Labor Standards Act have increased the federal minimum wage from $.25 in 1938 to $7.25 in 2013. Some states and municipalities have set minimum wage levels higher than the federal level, with the highest state minimum wage being . 19 per hour in Washington State as of 2013 (Wikipedia). President Barack Obama’s call for increasing the minimum wage during his State of the Union address has renewed debate among policy experts, politicians and economists, who argue that if enacted the proposal could either drive up unemployment or create more stability for America’s poor. President Obama wants to increase the minimum wage from its current $7.25 to $9.00 an hour, which he said would reduce the number of people in America who work full time but who live in poverty. President Obama states â€Å"this single step would raise the incomes of millions of working families; it could mean the difference between groceries or the food bank; rent or eviction; scraping by or finally getting ahead. For businesses across the country, it would mean customers with more money in their pockets† (White, 2013). This paper will examine President Obama’s proposal to increase the minimum wage by evaluating the history of the minimum wage, the people affected by the minimum wage, the economic way of thinking, and the writer’s perspective of the debate. In conclusion, this paper will provide an alternative to President Obama’s call for an increase in the minimum wage. - The Minimum Wage The minimum wage has a strong social appeal, rooted in concern about the ability of markets to provide income equity for the least able members of the work force. The obvious solution to this concern is to redefine the wage structure politically to achieve a socially preferable distribution of income. Thus, minimum wage laws have usually been judged against the criterion reducing poverty (Wikipedia). Minimum wage laws were also proposed as way to control the increase the spread of sweat shops in manufacturing industries. Sweat shops employed large number of women and young workers, paying them substandard wages. The sweatshop owners were thought to have unfair bargaining power over their workers, and a minimum wage was proposed as a means to make them pay their workers fairly. Eventually, the focus changed to helping people, become more self-sufficient. Today, minimum wage laws affect workers in most low-paid fields of employment (Wikipedia, 2013). There is great disagreement as to whether the minimum wage is effective in attaining its goals. From the time of their introduction, minimum wage laws have been controversial politically, and have received much less support from economists than from the general public. Despite decades of experience and economic research, debates about the costs and benefits of minimum wages continue today. - Literature Review Researching the minimum wage resulted in an abundance of scholarly reviews as well as opinionated news articles which provided the pros and cons of the minimum wage increase proposed by President Obama in his State of Union Address. David Neumark and William Wascher evaluates the effects of the â€Å"Minimum Wage and Employment† states there is a wide range of existing estimates and, accordingly, a lack of consensus about the overall effects on low-wage employment of an increase in the minimum wage. However, the oft-stated assertion that recent research fails to support the traditional review that the minimum wage reduces the employment of low-wage employment of low-wage employment is clearly incorrect. They characterize economist in the debate as those economists who claimed the low-wage labor market at the time as â€Å"marginalists† and those who claimed that it was not as â€Å"institutionalists† (Wascher, 2006). Their findings resulted in studies that provide evidence of positive employment effects of minimum wage, especially from those studies that focus on the broader groups (rather than a narrow industry) for which the competitive model predicts disemployment effects. They also found that studies that focus on the least-skilled groups provide relatively overwhelming evidence of stronger disemployment effects for these groups. Also, John Schmitt reviews evidence on eleven possible adjustments to minimum-wage increases that may help to explain why the measured employment effects are so consistently small. He states that the most important channels of adjustment are: reductions in labor turnover; improvements in organizational efficiency; reductions in wages of higher earners; and small price increases. His report found that little or no employment response to modest increase in the minimum wage and evidence on a range of possible adjustments to minimum-wage increases that may help to explain why the measured employment effects are so consistently small (Schmitt, 2013). As mentioned, online articles from Newsweek, Wikipedia, and Deseret News provided background information as well as opinions that determined the direction in which the writers would approach in this paper. - The people affected by the Minimum Wage Minimum wage workers tend to be young. Although workers under age 25 represented only about one-fifth of hourly paid workers, they made up half of those paid the federal minimum wage or less. Among employed teenagers paid by the hour, about 21 percent earned the minimum wage or less, compared with about 3 percent of workers age 25 and over (See Table I). About 6 percent of women paid hourly rates had wages at or below the prevailing federal minimum, compared with about 3 percent of men. (Of minimum wage earners overall, 67 percent are women, and 33 percent are men). The percentage of workers earning the minimum wage did not vary much across the major race and ethnicity groups. About 5 percent of white, black, and Hispanic hourly-paid workers earned the federal minimum wage or less. Among Asian hourly paid workers, about3 percent earned the minimum wage or less. Among hourly paid workers age 16 and over, about 10 percent of those who had less than a high school diploma earned the federal minimum wage or less, compared with about 4 percent of those who had a high school diploma (with no college) and about 2 percent of college graduates. Part-time workers (persons who usually work less than 35 hours per week) were more likely than their full-time counterparts to be paid the federal minimum wage or less (about 11 percent versus about 2 percent). About 7 in 10 workers earning the minimum wage or less in 2012 were employed in service occupations, mostly in food preparation and serving related jobs. Among the states, Mississippi, South Carolina, Tennes see and Oklahoma had the highest proportions of hourly-paid workers earning at or below the federal minimum wage (about 6 percent). The percentage of workers earning at or below the Federal minimum wage was lowest (1 percent or less) in Alaska, California and Oregon (Rampell, 2009). Table 1. Employed wage and salary workers paid hourly rates with earnings at or below the prevailing federal minimum wage by selected characteristics, 2012 annual averages| Characteristic| Number of workers (in thousands)| Percent distribution| Percent of workers paid hourly rates| | Total paid hourly rates| At or below minimum wage| Total paid hourly rates| At or below minimum wage| At or below minimum wage| | | Total| At minimum wage| Below minimum wage| | Total| At minimum wage| Below minimum wage| Total| At minimum wage| Below minimum wage| AGE AND SEX| | | | | | | | | | | | Total, 16 years and over| 75,276| 3,550| 1,566| 1,984| 100.0| 100.0| 100.0| 100.0| 4.7| 2.1| 2.6| 16 to 24 years| 14,909| 1,797| 862| 935| 19.8| 50.6| 55.0| 47.1| 12.1| 5.8| 6.3| 16 to 19 years| 4,044| 854| 484| 370| 5.4| 24.1| 30.9| 18.6| 21.1| 12.0| 9.1| 25 years and over| 60,367| 1,753| 704| 1,049| 80.2| 49.4| 45.0| 52.9| 2.9| 1.2| 1.7| Men, 16 years and over| 37,113| 1,263| 567| 696| 49.3| 35.6| 36.2| 35.1| 3.4| 1.5| 1.9| 16 to 24 years| 7,454| 673| 333| 340| 9.9| 19.0| 21.3| 17.1| 9.0| 4.5| 4.6| 16 to 19 years| 1,922| 366| 207| 159| 2.6| 10.3| 13.2| 8.0| 19.0| 10.8| 8.3| 25 years and over| 29,659| 591| 235| 356| 39.4| 16.6| 15.0| 17.9| 2.0| 0.8| 1.2| Women, 16 years and over| 38,163| 2,287| 999| 1,288| 50.7| 64.4| 63.8| 64.9| 6.0| 2.6| 3.4| 16 to 24 years| 7,455| 1,124| 529| 595| 9.9| 31.7| 33.8| 30.0| 15.1| 7.1| 8.0| 16 to 19 years| 2,122| 489| 278| 211| 2.8| 13.8| 17.8| 10.6| 23.0| 13.1| 9.9| 25 years and over| 30,708| 1,163| 470| 693| 40.8| 32.8| 30.0| 34.9| 3.8| 1.5| 2.3| RA CE AND HISPANIC OR LATINO ETHNICITY| | | | | | | | | | | | White (1)| 59,180| 2,760| 1,185| 1,575| 78.6| 77.7| 75.7| 79.4| 4.7| 2.0| 2.7| Men| 29,691| 984| 444| 540| 39.4| 27.7| 28.4| 27.2| 3.3| 1.5| 1.8| Women| 29,490| 1,776| 741| 1,035| 39.2| 50.0| 47.3| 52.2| 6.0| 2.5| 3.5| Black or African American (1)| 10,049| 533| 277| 256| 13.3| 15.0| 17.7| 12.9| 5.3| 2.8| 2.5| Men| 4,522| 183| 85| 98| 6.0| 5.2| 5.4| 4.9| 4.0| 1.9| 2.2| Women| 5,527| 350| 193| 157| 7.3| 9.9| 12.3| 7.9| 6.3| 3.5| 2.8| Asian (1)| 3,403| 117| 48| 69| 4.5| 3.3| 3.1| 3.5| 3.4| 1.4| 2.0| Men| 1,568| 39| 16| 23| 2.1| 1.1| 1.0| 1.2| 2.5| 1.0| 1.5| Women| 1,835| 78| 32| 46| 2.4| 2.2| 2.0| 2.3| 4.3| 1.7| 2.5| Hispanic or Latino (1)| 14,404| 718| 337| 381| 19.1| 20.2| 21.5| 19.2| 5.0| 2.3| 2.6| Men| 8,114| 295| 127| 168| 10.8| 8.3| 8.1| 8.5| 3.6| 1.6| 2.1| Women| 6,290| 423| 210| 213| 8.4| 11.9| 13.4| 10.7| 6.7| 3.3| 3.4| FULL- AND PART-TIME STATUS| | | | | | | | | | | | Full-time workers (2)| 54,745| 1,261| 501| 760| 72.7| 35.5| 32.0| 38.3| 2.3| 0.9| 1.4| Men| 30,052| 491| 197| 294| 39.9| 13.8| 12.6| 14.8| 1.6| 0.7| 1.0| Women| 24,693| 770| 304| 466| 32.8| 21.7| 19.4| 23.5| 3.1| 1.2| 1.9| Part-time workers (2)| 20,411| 2,286| 1,063| 1,223| 27.1| 64.4| 67.9| 61.6| 11.2| 5.2| 6.0| Men| 6,998| 772| 370| 402| 9.3| 21.7| 23.6| 20.3| 11.0| 5.3| 5.7| Women| 13,413| 1,513| 693| 820| 17.8| 42.6| 44.3| 41.3| 11.3| 5.2| 6.1| Footnotes: (1) Estimates for the above race groups (White, Black or African American, and Asian) do not sum to totals because data are not presented for all races. Persons whose ethnicity is identified as Hispanic or Latino may be of any race. (2) The distinction between full- and part-time workers is based on hours usually worked. These data will not sum to totals because full- or part-time status on the principal job is not identifiable for a small number of multiple jobholders. Full time is 35 hours or more per week; part time is less than 35 hours.| NOTE: Data exclude all self-employed persons whether or not their businesses are incorporated (U. S. D. o. Labor, 2013). - Economic Thinking When considering the debate about President Obama’s proposal to increase the minimum wage, it can be framed around select guideposts of economic thinking. The first guidepost that can be applied to the minimum wage debate is â€Å"beware of the secondary effects: economic actions often generate indirect as well as direct effects† (Gwartney, 2013). The direct, immediate effect of increasing the minimum wage is an intended one, but secondary effects, or unintended consequences also present themselves. The law of demand states that the quantity demanded will decrease as the price of the good increases, with all other variables holding steady at constant. In this case, according to the law of demand, an increase in the price of labor, the minimum wage, will cause a decrease in the amount of available positions in the job market. The higher minimum wage will draw more workers into the market, but simultaneously, the higher price of labor will cause employers to offer less employment opportunities for lower skilled workers. Opponents of this viewpoint argue that an increase in the minimum wage will have a more positive secondary effect: $18 billion injected into the economy, along with 100,000 new jobs by 2015, supporting economic growth (White, 2013). President Obama’s proposal to increase the minimum wage appeals to a moral sense; people prefer to see fairness in the job market when it comes to wages. The conservative side of the argument echoes the law of demand. The true test of an economic theory is its ability to accurately predict, another guidepost of economic thinking. The law of demand is a strong one, but considering the changes in other economic variables, it cannot be considered absolute. In New Jersey, the number of fast food jobs actually increased after an 18 percent increase in the minimum wage was instituted (White, 2013). - 2 Sides of the Debate (the writers’ perspective) Increases in the minimum wage have consistently fallen behind inflation, so that in real terms the minimum wage is substantially lower than it was in the 1960s. Meanwhile, worker productivity has doubled. If the current minimum wage seems low, raising it would cost jobs. But there’s evidence on that question. And while there are dissenters, the great preponderance of the evidence points to little if any negative effect of minimum wage increases on employment (Krugman, 2013). It is also important to understand how the minimum wage interacts with other policies aimed at helping lower-paid workers, in particular the earned-income tax credit. The tax credit is also good policy. But it has a well-known defect, some of its benefits end up flowing not to workers but to employers, in the form of lower wages. And guess what? An increase in the minimum wage helps correct this defect. It turns out that the tax credit and the minimum wage aren’t competing policies; they are complem entary policies that work best in tandem (Krugman, 2013). President Obama’s wage proposal is good economics. It is also good politics; a wage increase is supported by an overwhelming majority of voters. Yet G.O.P. leaders in Congress are opposed to any rise. Why? They say that they’re concerned about the people who might lose their jobs, never mind the evidence that this won’t actually happen. We will learn that an increase in wages will restore strength to the economy. We will see room that even more increases in wages will improve the economy. Social costs of labor will be better covered and the economy will work better. The US economy is a mature economy, and that means that labor needs to be paid more of the % of national income as real GDP increases. The real job creators are the bottom 90 percent, including those right at the bottom who would benefit from a minimum wageconsumers, those who spend nearly all of their income on real goods and services and hoard very little of it. And truth be told, without spending there are no sales; without sales there are no profits; without profits there is no demand for workers; without demand for workers there is no job creation; and without job creation there is no recovery. Overall raising the minimum would help some family live a little better and not stress as much with paying for food and utilities. It will help build a sense of pride and self-esteem†¦ after all is this not the land of opportunity (Krugman, 2013). The minimum wage makes it harder for unskilled workers to gain the labor market experience and on-the-job training that would raise their productivity and future pay. Unskilled workers are less attractive with a higher minimum wage because they produce less per hour and th eir hiring diverts more senior workers from revenue producing activities to training and supervision (Shemkus 2011). Firms will only invest in human capital if they expect to receive a return on their investment. Firms will not pay for general skills if workers are likely to leave before firms recoup their investment costs. The Bureau of Labor Statistics states that 69% of jobs started by workers age 18 to 24 last less than a year. Turnover is even higher for teen age workers. Young workers must therefore pay for the general (often informal) training they receive by accepting a lower wage (Shemkus, 2011). The good news is that once these workers have some experience and training they can command a higher wage. A higher minimum wage encourages firms to hire already trained and experienced workers, eliminates some opportunities for experience and training, and puts an even bigger burden on our vocational schools to train unskilled workers. The effects on employment rates would be exactly the opposite of those supporters foresee. A higher minimum wage, they claim, would be too heavy a burden on employers, especially small business owners. And those employers, in turn, would be unable to hire as many people an undesirable result when unemployment continues to hover at about 8 percent (Shemkus, 2011). When legislators raise the price of low and unskilled labor, it is usually low- and unskilled laborers who end up paying the price, increasing the minimum wage has not proven to be effective at lowering the poverty rate. Multiple studies have demonstrated little to no relationship between a higher minimum wage and reductions in poverty. So it looks like the minimum wage will probably be staying right where it is for some time to come (Shemkus, 2011). - Conclusion In conclusion, the writers’ personally support the President’s call to increase the minimum wage to $9 per hour. However, the writers’ must realistically look at both sides of the debate and recommend an alternative that will ease the minds of US citizens, politicians, and economists (on both sides of the debate). We recommend continuing to allow individual cities and states to mandate the minimum wage deemed necessary for the citizens of their jurisdiction. The Department of Labor states that there are 4 states that have a minimum wage set lower than the federal minimum wage and 19 states (plus DC) with minimum wage rates set higher than the federal minimum wage. There are 22 of the states that have a minimum wage requirement that is the same as the federal minimum wage requirement. The remaining states do not have an established minimum wage requirement (D. O. Labor, 2013). With this said, the Federal minimum wage law will always supersede state minimum wages w here the federal law minimum wage is greater than the state minimum wage. In those states where the state minimum wage is greater than the federal minimum wage, the state minimum wage prevails (D. O. Labor, 2013). This recommendation would protect the minimum wage employees in less than statutory minimum wage states, while granting the federal government a reprieve until the economy get back on its feet. Along the same line, the writers’ also recommend allowing states to regulate their citizen’s minimum wage, the minimum wage would be linked to a consumer price index. This linkage would increase the minimum wage each year. Currently, there are 10 states (AZ, CO, FL, MO, MT, NV, OH, OR, VT, and WA) which already have this recommendation in place (D. O. Labor, 2013). The economy in these states has not been affected by the increase each year. Employees earn enough to live on in their prospective state and the employer’s bottom line is not affected because their charges for products or services are also increased due to inflation. - References Gorman, Linda.). Minimum Wages. Retrieved April 4, 2013, 2013, from http://www.econlib.org/cgi-bin/printcee.pl Labor, Department Of. (2013). United States Department Of Labor, Wage and Hour Division. Retrieved April 30, 2013, from http://www.dol.gov/whd/minwage/america.htm Labor, United States Department of. (2013). Characteristics Of Minimum Wage Workers: 2012. Retrieved April 12, 2013, from http://www.bls.gov/cps/minwage2012.htm Rampell, Catherine. (2009). Who is affected by a higher minimum wage? Retrieved April 17, 2014, from http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/07/24/who-is-affected-by-todays-minimum-wage-hike/ Schmitt, John. (2013). Why Does the Mininmum Wage Have No Discernible Effect on Employment? (pp. 2-24): Center for Economic and Policy Research. Wascher, David Neumark and William. (2006). Minimum Wages And Employment: A Review Of Eveidence From the New Minimum Wage Research. National Bureau of Economic Research, NBER Working Paper No. 12663, 2-432. White, Mercedes. (20 13). The great minimum wage debate: how Obamas proposal to increase the minimum wage will impact the economy. Retrieved March 27, 2013, from http://www.deseretnews.com/article/865573603/The-great-minimum-wage-debate-how Wikipedia.). Minimum wage in the United States. Retrieved April 15, 2013, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minimum_wage_in_the_United_States Wikipedia. (2013). Minimum Wage. Retrieved April 14, 2013, 2013, from

Lord Of The Flies :: essays research papers

Lord of the Flies   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  I The Characters...   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ralph - Ralph is one of the older kids stranded on the island, one with a natural leadership quality about him. He is one of the stronger, if not the strongest of the boys; 12 year old with common sense to help him get along on his own; unfortunately, common sense doesn’t fly too well with small children. Ralph is stuck between what is considered fun, and what needs to get done in order to have peace on the island. Not a position many would like to be in, but as he was chosen leader, he has the respect of most of the kids on the island.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Piggy - Piggy is an eager, chubby kid, who likes to poke his nose where it doesn’t belong. Piggy is the only one on the island that wears glasses to aid his vision, and seems to be a character easily disliked because of his babyish personality. Although he is one of the most rational and logical thinkers, his ideas are seldom heeded, mainly because of his persistent whining. Piggy has asthma, and this makes it difficult for him to work. Ralph, being the first to meet Piggy, became his guardian, and protector from the other children’s cruelty on the island.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Jack - Jack Merridew is a singer, head of the choir, and has an intimidating appearance and way of talk. Jack is jealous, and when Ralph is elected Chief, Jack forms a bit of hatred in his heart, not revealing it even unto himself until time passes. He is head hunter, and likes fun more than work, and eventually wins the favor of the children, claiming Ralph as a coward, and a person who just dreams about being rescued. II The Conflict...   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The main conflict in Lord of the Flies is that a fairly large group of boys have been stranded on an island in the Pacific with no adults around to lead and guide them. They do set up a leadership consisting of a chief, and then workers who carry out the chiefs orders. This works great for about a week, but soon the children tire of the work, and do not realize the long term consequences involved with not having necessities like shelter and a signal fire, and before long, fun rebels against common sense, turning the island into chaos. Eventually there is a war, the hunters against the worker/dreamers.

Revolution on British government and society Essay

It is not so much the events of 1688 that constitute a revolution as the subsequent changes in the constitution that show a transformation in the nature and ideology of government. There was no internal uprising, no civil war and most importantly, the succession of William of Orange and his wife Mary to the English throne was authorised by a Convention, acting in lieu of parliament in the absence of King James II. Indeed it could be argued that this was not a revolution at all, if James’ departure is to be interpreted as his abdication. Contemporaries, keen to replace the unpopular, Catholic monarch with a man who was seen as a deliverer from popery and slavery, reasoned as such. In actual fact James never did renounce his claim to the throne. Fleeing London in the dead of night, he took with him The Great Seal, traditionally held by the monarch and dropped it in the Thames and he burnt the writs that were to call anew parliament. He would later attempt to recapture his crown, rallying support in Ireland to prepare for an invasion that was to fail. But whether or not this dynastic change, made by those who, in theory, did not have the authority to do so, is enough to deserve the title revolution, what cannot be denied is that this marks the end of the era of the absolute monarch. William’s Declaration of Rights, which was to become statute within a year, echoed Lockean ideas of sovereignty, supporting a parliament that was to keep check on the authority of the monarch and protecting â€Å"Rights and Liberties† of the people. No King or Queen thereafter would be able to rule as James or Charles had done before them. In the years following the revolution a system of government working through the authority of the executive Privy Council and the houses of Lords and commons, headed by the monarch soon evolved into a working body that formed the basis of what we still have for government today. By the 1720s the way Britain is ruled had been turned around, but the changes cannot be solely accredited to the events of 1688. When William invaded England he had European motives at heart. He was keen to avoid a union of France and England that would be a threat to the Protestants of the Northern and Germanic lands. He was aware of James’ unpopularity as a Catholic ruler of an overwhelmingly Protestant nation and he sought to take advantage of this to try and win allies. He expected to meet with resistance and had prepared and army of troops, but James’ was deserted by the little support he had to begin with in the face of danger, eventually even by his closest advisors and his own sister. William toured England for four weeks, propagandising himself as a saviour from James’ â€Å"evil counsellors,† who had challenged the â€Å"laws, liberties, customs and religion† and wanted to revive Catholicism. He arrived in London and in the absence of the monarch the city was occupied and ordered by his Dutch soldiers while a decision could be reached. It is important to remember that William never independently laid any claim to the throne; he had expected to meet resistance in England. He aimed to battle against what he saw as a catholic threat, which he was careful to stress as being on the part of James’ advisors and not the King himself, and although the impact that this revolution had was profound, it was not all part of a pre-ordained plan. What followed was an immediate crisis. The capital was under the order of foreign troops and the King had deserted. It forced the political nation to examine the constitution and find a solution. A Convention was called and a vote was taken to offer the throne to William and his wife Mary, daughter of the departed king on January 22nd 1689, only a month after James’ departure. It was a hasty political decision, pressure was felt by the presence of Dutch troops, but there was also a Protestant fear of James gathering support and returning, or claims being laid for his infant son, whom he had taken with him. There was resistance, the House of Lords initially voted against the idea, feeling they had sworn an oath of loyalty to James, that he was still their king, and that such radical action was not right. A monarch is not elective. The theory was that the monarch was granted his authority form God and man was not to meddle with His choice. There was no support for a republic, with the feeling that a firm figurehead was necessary to maintain order and a deep attachment felt for hierarchy and patriarchy. Yet to instate a new monarch seemed in itself to mock the whole principal of monarchy. Under pressure from the Commons and from William and Mary themselves and with no other solution, the Lords were finally swayed, their stance weakened by internal disunity and mistrust. Interpretation of the finer details of the theory of monarchy and nuances of vocabulary played and important role in this unique revolution, which, on the whole, was met with popular support. William and Mary had been put on the throne as an alternative to James II. Parliament had granted them this privilege and they were willing to allow parliament a more active role in government. The revolution had been almost ad hoc and there was sparse new ideology to implement, the Convention drawn up by parliament was effectively a reaction to the way in which both Charles II and James II had ruled and a call to protect the people’s â€Å"ancient and indubitable rights. † It was more of a written version of what was previously expected behaviour with little fundamental change to the relationship between legislative and executive powers specified. But William had to accept this as a code of practise from his parliament, recognising that even if the monarch had popularity and capability, he needed to work through the legislative powers. The monarch was required to call parliament to session, but this would be inevitable as William was only granted a year’s revenue. Parliament had the authority to oversee all public expenditure and so the monarch would always be dependant on them. Changes to the structure of government took effect gradually during the years following the revolution, but from the start the role of parliament was augmented, which initiated subsequent developments. They met for much longer sessions than before 1688, enabling a great deal more legislation to be passed, and allowing for Bills to be more thoroughly debated. Much of the legislation passed was still local or occasional in essence, such as permission to build a workhouse, but although this could be viewed as undermining the revolutionary nature of parliament’s more prominent role, the fact that MPs were more available to take action on their electorate’s specific grievances, helped to ease the frictions between local and executive power as the nation’s political make-up was evolving. Although from a modern perspective these changes are viewed as progressing towards a more rational system of government, during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, people were often concerned about social stability which they believed was at risk with so much legal development. It was a commonly held view that life should be stable and predictable. People wanted to feel sure of their position, their income and their king and government. In an era where the poor always risked slipping into poverty after a bad harvest, increasing involvement in foreign warfare and frequent changes in the government, questions were raised about the permanence of law, and whether Common Laws of liberty and property, viewed by many as sacred, were at risk. But at court the belief that good government was upheld by frequent parliament, against the weakness of individual MPs or encroachment by the monarch led to the Triennial Act of 1694, limiting parliament to three years. Elections were held on average every two years and there were various amendments and contests in between. This Act was later replaced and the time extended to seven years, the advisors to the king often too easily influenced elections proved costly and short-lived parliaments. The Act shows parliament as uncertain of its own role, and is an example of a developing government that was evolving along its own path in the years following the revolution, more caused by what the revolution’s changes allowed rather than what they intended. The development of the two key political parties, the Whigs and the Tories is another feature of this evolution of government. With three active parts to the government all being of equally weighted importance, and more frequent changes of personnel in parliament, there was more of a need than ever for politicians to associate themselves with a certain ideology and for Lords and MPs to support each other to push through Bills. William himself wanted to remain above the level of party, which he did, and indeed, there were members of parliament, more so in the House of Lords who chose to be independent and cast their vote on issues individually. But the solidarity of party was the most effective way of getting laws passed and King George himself, not many years later, was aligned with the Whigs, who although in the days of the revolution had been in favour of political progression, now came of as the monarchical party and there were suspicions of Jacobinism in the Tories. Religion was still a very important factor in politics, despite the Act of Toleration in 1689, which allowed non-Anglican Protestants to swear allegiance to the throne. There was still a widely held belief that religious homogony was key to social stability, but it had been the clergy that had shown the most resistance to William taking the crown, and with no clear heir in line for the throne the problem of succession and the possibility of a Jacobite up-rising prompted him, a Calvinist himself, to attempt to include Protestant minorities, especially those in Scotland and Ireland. Although the law did not make any exception for Catholics or Quakers, it did encourage a sense of tolerance that was benefited by both groups. The Quakers would be later allowed the right to practise in legalised meetinghouses, but Catholics still posed a threat, especially in Ireland, where the population was largely Catholic. After the Revolution, James had attempted to reclaim his throne, starting in Ireland, arranging support from France for the Catholic cause. But James lacked the leadership and resolve that he met in William when they met at battle in Derry and Enniskillen and he again escaped to France. The so-called â€Å"bloodless revolution† may have been so in England, but in both Ireland and Scotland the transition was not so smooth. Civil war in Ireland exhausted James’ supporters into defeat and in Scotland a series of â€Å"highland wars† lasted around five months in 1691, which initially started as a Jacobite up rising. William found Scotland impossible to manage. Although not dominated by Catholics, it was not predominantly Anglican either and James had more support here because of his family’s close ties with Scotland. In the years following the Revolution, Scotland was only reluctantly part of Britain. She had her own laws and traditions, presided over by a Scottish parliament in Edinburgh, which declared even further independence with the abolition of the Lord of Articles, further undermining control from Westminster and making Scotland appear more of a threat. William would not be able to exert his Royal will through Edinburgh. But following a bad harvest in 1695, with many dying of hunger or fleeing to Ulster, Scotland realised the benefits of a closer union with England to involve herself in England’s efficient internal trade and lucrative colonial empire. The Act of union came into effect in 1707, dissolving the parliament in Edinburgh and instating peers and MPs from Scotland at Westminster. In England, the union provoked little reaction, but in Scotland it was bitterly opposed by many. Problems within Scotland were often a result of internal social divisions, most markedly between the highland clans and their more anglicised lowland neighbours, who had seen the union as a way to improve Scotland’s economy. The death of Queen Anne in 1714 proved a difficult start for the union. The question was raised of the possible succession of her Catholic half brother, but with the Act of Settlement from 1701 forbidding any non-Protestant to sit on the throne, the Crown was inherited by George I. He faced a Jacobite uprising within the year, but his reign is largely characterised as a time of peace and relative stability after the turbulent post-revolutionary years. The Glorious Revolution had seemed on the surface to be swift, decisive and painless, yet the principals of change that as Burke claimed justified it as a revolution took years to really take shape. By the time of King George the role of monarch had been dramatically reviewed, no longer seen as a ruler from God, but as a figure head for a nation governed by a system of parliament, which relied on the mutual dependency of the two houses and the executive to abide by a sense of appropriate behaviour. Queen Anne was the last to use the Royal veto, something much exploited by the monarchs before 1688, the workings of parliament and the Privy Council had become more regular and thorough and a system of party politics had developed. The characters of William, Anne and George, who all failed to immerse themselves in domestic affaires and the extraordinary calibre of ministers at work during this time, perhaps eased the transition but it still remains that, while the revolution of 1688 had a profound and lasting impact on British society and government, the relationship worked both ways. The practical workings of British society and government were what moulded the developments after the revolution, developments that justified the glorious revolution to be called as such.

Laws And Conventions Affecting Indigenous Peoples - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 4 Words: 1205 Downloads: 5 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Law Essay Type Review Did you like this example? With a substantial portion of the worlds indigenous peoples living in Asia and the Pacific, virtually every country in the region has an indigenous population. While the effectiveness of provisions may vary, some countries recognize the unique status of indigenous peoples and offer the privileges and protections of citizenship. Few countries have enacted laws that recognize any rights of indigenous peoples to ancestral lands, or that support indigenous peoples regaining and strengthening their social, cultural, and legal institutions. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Laws And Conventions Affecting Indigenous Peoples" essay for you Create order In many cases, enforcement of laws that may exist has been inadequate. Some countries have experienced conflicts between interests of indigenous peoples and interests of dominant and mainstream communities. These conflicts most often relate to control over and exploitation of natural resources in the areas indigenous peoples claim as traditional domains. Appropriation of ancestral territories or resources in these territories by governments or external interests most often is justified as a part of economic development and growth. Indigenous peoples sparse occupation of large areas of land and nonintensive use of resources often is characterized by external interests as economic inefficiency or lost opportunity. Indigenous peoples land and resource management practices sometimes are viewed as unsustainable or environmentally damaging. At the national level, in some cases, new laws, policies, and other measures may be necessary to reconcile competing demands and conflicting inte rests, especially if interests of indigenous peoples are to be protected. In any case, however, the Bank must respect the will of governments, including legislation and policy that exists and the power of eminent domain that governments possess. Country programs and project selection will be developed in cooperation with governments. When difficulties are encountered, the Bank may be able to provide guidance or assistance through mechanisms such as policy dialogue and technical assistance. International Conventions and Declarations The international community has shown increasing concern for the protection of the rights of indigenous peoples. Conventions and declarations of the international community provide a broad framework, as well as specific statements regarding the protection of indigenous peoples and their interests, cultures, ways of life, cultural survival, and development. It may be noted that some international instruments relating to indigenous peoples have not been ratified by large numbers of the international community. The United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) have specific significance for indigenous peoples. The Universal Declaration provides a common standard for the human rights of all peoples and all nations, and proclaims the importance of traditional, political, and civil rights, as well as basic economic social and cultural rights. The Covenant spells out civil and political rights and guiding pri nciples based on the Universal Declaration. The 1957 International Labour Organisation (ILO) Convention No. 107, Protection and Integration of Indigenous and Other Tribal and Semi-Tribal Populations in Independent Countries, addresses the right of indigenous peoples to pursue material well-being and spiritual development, and was a first international instrument in specific support of indigenous peoples. Largely because of its view that indigenous peoples should be integrated into the larger society, a view that subsequently came to be seen by many as inappropriate, Convention No. 107 was followed in 1989 by ILO Convention 169, Convention Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries. Convention No. 169 presents the fundamental concept that the way of life of indigenous and tribal peoples should and will survive, as well as the view that indigenous and tribal peoples and their traditional organizations should be closely involved in the planning and implemen tation of development projects that affect them. As the most comprehensive and most current international legal instrument to address issues vital to indigenous and tribal peoples, Convention No. 169 includes articles that deal with consultation and participation, social security and health, human development, and the environment. To date, Convention No. 169 has been ratified by only a few countries, and so far by none in the Asian and Pacific Region. Agenda 21 adopted by the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in 1992 recognizes the actual and potential contribution of indigenous and tribal peoples to sustainable development. The 1992 Convention on Biodiversity calls on contracting parties to respect traditional indigenous knowledge with regard to the preservation of biodiversity and its sustainable use. The Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action emerging from the 1993 World Conference on Human Rights recognizes the dignity and unique cultural co ntributions of indigenous peoples, and strongly reaffirms the commitment of the international community to the economic, social, and cultural well-being of indigenous peoples and their enjoyment of the fruits of sustainable development. The United Nations 1993 Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, developed with the direct participation of indigenous peoples representatives and currently under consideration within the United Nations, addresses issues such as the right to participation, the right of indigenous peoples to direct their own development, the right of indigenous peoples to determine and develop priorities and strategies for the development or use of ancestral territories and resources, and the right to self-determination. The emerging concern for indigenous peoples prompted the United Nations to declare 1993 as the International Year of the Worlds Indigenous Peoples and the decade from December 1994 as the Indigenous Peoples Decade. Practices of Other International Institutions Among comparator organizations, World Bank policies and practices are the most relevant to the Bank. The World Banks Operational Directive 4.20: Indigenous Peoples establishes specific approaches to indigenous peoples in World Bank operations. Through its operational directive, the World Bank recognizes and takes into consideration issues such as the identification of indigenous peoples, the attachment of indigenous peoples to land and resources, the significance of distinct linguistic and cultural identities, and the primarily subsistence nature of indigenous peoples production systems. World Bank policy calls for indigenous peoples informed and willing participation in development, and respect for indigenous peoples dignity, human rights, and cultural uniqueness. For development interventions that affect indigenous peoples directly and significantly, an indigenous peoples development plan is required. Another comparator organization with direct relevance to the Bank is the Int er-American Development Bank (IDB). While IDB does not have a specific policy addressing indigenous peoples, it does address their concerns through its operational activities, an approach IDB considers more relevant to the circumstances of its region. Operational processes relating to involuntary resettlement, poverty reduction, rural development, and environmental and social impact assessment all include specific consideration of indigenous peoples concerns. In the IDB region, the poorest segments of society often are indigenous peoples, and projects are designed specifically to assist these groups. In the IDB, creation of special funds to support activities such as enterprise development and capacity building provide other avenues for the pursuit of issues relating to indigenous peoples. The representative offices that IDB maintains in its client countries provide a basis for country-specific consideration of indigenous peoples concerns. Among United Nations agencies, the Unite d Nations Development Programme (UNDP) has undertaken a number of programs to address indigenous peoples concerns. In the Banks region, the objectives of UNDPs Highland Peoples Programme, covering Cambodia, Lao Peoples Democratic Republic, Thailand, and Viet Nam, are to increase organizational capacities and opportunities among highland communities, in participatory planning, management, and coordination; establish and/or reinforce exchange mechanisms and procedures; and work for the overall development of highland communities in the four countries covered. https://www.landcoalition.org/program/ipp_int_instruments.html